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<text>
<title>
Philippines
</title>
<article>
<hdr>
Human Rights Watch World Report 1992
Asia Watch: Philippines
</hdr>
<body>
<p>Human Rights Developments
</p>
<p> The Philippine government's human rights record in 1991 was
mixed. According to both the government's Commission on Human
Rights (CHR) and nongovernmental human rights groups,
violations declined on all fronts. But reports of abuses,
including disappearances, extrajudicial killings, incommunicado
detention and warrantless arrests, continued. A 1990 law
permitting warrantless arrest of suspected subversives continued
to be used to arrest suspected members of the rebel New People's
Army (NPA), some of whom were held for weeks in solitary
confinement and tortured.
</p>
<p> Government forces were not alone in committing abuses. The
NPA, the armed wing of the banned Communist party, continued to
kill members of the military, police, other paramilitary forces
and civilians in situations outside of combat. As in the past,
there were reports of execution-style killings of police and
off-duty military officers by rebel hit squads, the so-called
"sparrow units," seeking to steal the victim's gun. Typically,
a rebel in civilian clothing approached a victim and shot him
at close range. Apart from the humanitarian-law violation
inherent in targeting people who often were performing no combat
function, the disguising of NPA combatants as civilians served
to blur the distinction between the two and increased the
likelihood of abuse of civilians.
</p>
<p> On September 28, in Lawaan in eastern Samar province,
insurgents were reportedly responsible for a massacre of seven
civilians riding in a police car, including the mayor. In
October, the NPA in northern Luzon island admitted for the
first time in a press statement that it had been holding an
American hostage, Arbie Duane Drown, since his disappearance in
Cagayan province a year before.
</p>
<p> Legal and legislative developments in 1991 were for the most
part encouraging. The government enacted several reforms
reflecting the recommendations of numerous national and
international human rights groups, particularly those of the
U.N. Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances,
which issued its report on the Philippines in January.
</p>
<p> In June, President Corazon Aquino signed a bill repealing
Presidential Decree 1850, an enactment of the martial law era,
and concurrently signed into law an act assuring civilian-court
jurisdiction over military personnel in cases involving
offenses against civilians. The repeal of Presidential Decree
1850 was a major victory for human rights groups in the
Philippines, which together with a majority of legislators had
been clamoring for its repeal since President Aquino took office
in 1986. The decree had given military courts jurisdiction over
cases involving all military personnel, including those accused
of human rights offenses against civilians.
</p>
<p> Still, military impunity remained a problem in 1991, even in
the most visible cases. In a widely publicized case in
February, fifteen soldiers were acquitted of charges of having
massacred nineteen civilians in November 1990 in New Passi,
Sultan Kudarat, despite eyewitnesses and physical evidence that
strongly linked the unit to the massacre. Reports by the
government's Commission on Human Rights had strongly implicated
the military, and a doctor presented evidence showing that the
victims had been shot in the back at point-blank range. As in
other cases, eyewitnesses who had submitted signed affidavits
failed to come forward at the trial, reportedly because of fears
for their own security.
</p>
<p> The right to be protected against arbitrary arrest remains
seriously eroded. Since July 1990, the Supreme Court has
permitted warrantless arrest not only of rebels but also of
those suspected of being Communist Party members, on the grounds
that membership in a banned organization may be considered a
"continuing crime."
</p>
<p> Numerous reports suggest that the military has used the
court's ruling to arrest suspects in the absence of strong
prima facie cases against them. Arrests reportedly often
followed by incommunicado detention, during which forcible
attempts are made to extract confessions. Philippine human
rights groups assert that the incidence of warrantless arrests
has risen since the decision, and that the military also
routinely plants weapons on suspects to legitimize otherwise
weak cases of alleged subversion.
</p>
<p> In one instance on August 21, Roberto Roldan, a freelance
filmmaker and Marcos-era detainee, was arrested without a
warrant while reportedly shopping at a mall in Quezon City.
Roldan said that the military held him incommunicado for a week
and forced him to make a confession at gunpoint. Only after a
delay of two weeks was he officially charged with subversion and
possession of a firearm, which he claimed had been planted. He
remained in custody at the end of the year.
</p>
<p> There were continuing reports of disappearances in 1991. In
several cases, witnesses identified the abductors as members of
the military, the police or Civilian Armed Forces-Geographical
Units (CAFGU), the official paramilitary organization. In one
case, a member of a militant peasant's organization disappeared
after he was taken into police custody. Local human rights
organizations said he had been arrested because of his
activities as a farmers' organizer.
</p>
<p> Amnesty International (AI) reported that Renato Tabasa
Zabate was abducted by a group of armed men on September 8 and
was still missing at the end of the year. In 1990, members of
Zabate's organization, the United Farmers Organization, were
reportedly subjected to harassment by military forces for being
suspected supporters of the New People's Army. AI believed that
Zabate, whom military agents had detained once before in an
unofficial "safehouse" in 1987, was still being held at the
Cebu Metropolitan District Command Headquarters of the
Philippine National Police, at Camp Sotero in Cebu City.
</p>
<p> Extrajudicial killings by government forces continued in
1991. As in the past, most of the victims were peasants, poor
urban squatters and labor-union activists, in Negros Occidental,
Cebu and Mindanao. A June report by the International Federation
of Human Rights described several such killings. In one, in
Negros Occidental province in February, Enrico Perolino, a
farmworker who had fled military operations in his rural
village, was reportedly dragged out of an evacuation center in
Bacolod and shot dead in full view of his son. The perpetrator,
a CAFGU member, was identified by name by the son. The alleged
murderer has not been discharged, although an investigation has
been initiated by the CHR.
</p>
<p> Individuals with outspoken political views were also victims
of targeted killings. In January, according to Amnesty
International, two armed men in Negros Occidental province
assassinated Father Narciso Pico, a parish priest of the
Philippine Independent Church who was well known for his
advocacy of human rights and land reform. Before his death,
Father Pico had been repeatedly warned that the military had
targeted him as a suspected communist sympathizer. Information
collected by local and international monitors pointed to CAFGU
members or members of an unofficial paramilitary group as the
perpetrators.
</p>
<p> For the first time under the Aquino government, local human
rights and environmental organizations reported that
environmental activists were becoming targets of military
abuse. Henry Domoldol, chair of a community association pressing
to keep forests under tribal management, was shot dead on July
26, as he was coming out of his home in Kopis, a village in the
town of Conner in the northern province of Kalinga-Apayao.
Witnesses, including two of his sons, identified the gunmen as
members of the Philippine Army and CAFGU.
</p>
<p> In another case, a priest who had been active in promoting